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subsidies

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In Venezuela Chavez has made the co-ops a top political priority, giving them first refusal on government contracts and offering them economic incentives to trade with one another. By 2006, there were roughly 100,000 co-operatives in the country, employing more than 700,000 workers. Many are pieces of state infrastructure _ toll booths, highway maintenance, health clinics _ handed over to the communities to run. It__ a reverse of the logic of government outsourcing _ rather than auctioning off pieces of the state to large corporations and losing democratic control, the people who use the resources are given the power to manage them, creating, at least in theory, both jobs and more responsive public services. Chavez__ many critics have derided these initiatives as handouts and unfair subsidies, of course. Yet in an era when Halliburton treats the U.S. government as its personal ATM for six years, withdraws upward of $20 billion in Iraq contracts alone, refuses to hire local workers either on the Gulf coast or in Iraq, then expresses its gratitude to U.S. taxpayers by moving its corporate headquarters to Dubai (with all the attendant tax and legal benefits), Chavez__ direct subsidies to regular people look significantly less radical.

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The government decides to try to increase the middle class by subsidizing things that middle class people have: If middle-class people go to college and own homes, then surely if more people go to college and own homes, we__l have more middle-class people. But homeownership and college aren__ causes of middle-class status, they__e markers for possessing the kinds of traits _ self-discipline, the ability to defer gratification, etc. _ that let you enter, and stay, in the middle class. Subsidizing the markers doesn__ produce the traits; if anything, it undermines them.